| nhshistory.net nhshistory.com | The Development of the London Hospital System, 1823 - 1982 |
The general management function (1982) & the Conservative reforms (1989) | |
| Darzi - A Framework for Action | |
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The period from 1982 to the present saw major remoulding of London's hospital service. The economy expanded in the early eighties and though 1989 saw a recession following Britain’s departure from the Exchange Rate Mechanism, by the mid nineties the economy was once more healthy until in 2007 the problem of subprime mortgages in the USA triggered a world-wide financial recession.
In the first years of the new millennium, a very substantial increase in the finance available was associated with an increase in staffing and capacity. Coupled with this was an accent on quality, an additional feature of the NHS to be managed alongside cost and volume. The culminated in the reports from Lord Darzi in 2008.
London saw substantial change with the development of Docklands as a major financial and residential centre and the prospect of the 2012 Olympics. Always a multi-ethnic city, increasing numbers of immigrants from black Africa changed the demography and the Pakistani population was also growing. There was an influx from Eastern Europe as new countries joined the European Community.
London's hospital system that had been shaken by the reports of the early eighties and by RAWP, emerged smaller but stronger, with a more substantial research base and better infrastructure. There was rebuilding, political changes, academic restructuring, clinical development and organisational upheaval that restored greater power to local hospitals.. District health authorities that in 1982 managed hospitals off-site, and provided all types of service from community nursing through to mental hospitals and acute hospital services, disappeared. Their unitary control gave way to a multitude of trusts providing different types of care under contract, sometimes in competition with each other. The earlier years were dominated by the Conservatives. Later Labour was in control.
Demography
Health services serve the needs of the population and London's changed substantially in numbers, distribution and characteristics. From a peak of 8.6 million residents in 1939 it fell for half a century to a low point of 6.73 million in 1988, its size 80 years earlier.(1) After 1991 London grew again, faster than the UK as a whole, the estimate for 2004 being 7,249 million. After 1981 inner London grew more rapidly than outer London. By 2016 the population is expected to reach 8 million. There was a strong net inflow of young adults, rejuvenating London’s age structure, and the main force behind London’s growth.
Inner London (millions) | Outer London (millions) | All London (millions) | |
1901 | 4.9 | 1.6 | 6.5 |
1939 | 8.6 (peak) | ||
1961 | 3.481 | 4.496 | 7.977 |
1971 | 3.060 | 4.470 | 7.529 |
1981 | 2.55 | 4.244 | 6.806 |
1991 | 2.599 | 4.23 | 6.829 |
2001 | 2.859 | 4.463 | 7.322 |
2004 | 2.93 | 4.5 | 7.43 |
National issues | London issues | |
advances in medical technology | Primary health care in London had been recognised for many years as needing improvement | |
| Accent on quality of care | continued rationalisation of medical schools and hospital services, because of financial pressure and the reports of the London Health Planning Consortium (2), Tomlinson (3) (1992) and Turnberg (4)(1997) and Lord Darzi [19] (2007). | |
| increasing activity, as admissions and A & E attendances rise, and length of stay falls with major increases in day cases | ||
| increased autonomy for hospitals and foundation hospital trusts | ||
| repeated changes in the organisational structure | ||
| increased capacity of the NHS and staff/student numbers |
National policies and organisational change.
There was turmoil in the organization of the NHS because of changes in managerial or political philosophy, the views of the government and the search for cost-effectiveness and efficiency. The health service restructuring of 1982 was the high point of planning and organisation of all services on a district basis. Later hospitals came to have more local independence and the trend to a single district structure began to break down. The introduction of a purchaser/provider split, a measure of competition including a greater role for the private sector, and differing methods of health service finance also affected hospitals.
Secretary of State | Dates of office | Major policies | NHS Structure |
| Norman Fowler Conservative | September 1981 - June 1987 | 1982 - NHS Restructuring and Griffiths on General Management | Regions (14), districts & FHSAs |
| John Moore | June 1987 - July 1988 | ||
| Kenneth Clarke | July 1988 - November 1990 | NHS Reforms; introduction of competition, fundholding and trusts. 1990 - Working for Patients | |
| William Waldegrave | November 1990 - April |
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| Virginia Bottomley | April 1992 - July 1995 | Tomlinson London report | FHSAs and Districts merge into Health Authorities. . Regions reduced to 8 (1994) |
| Stephen Dorrell | July 1995-May 1997 |
| Regions replaced by 8 regional outposts of the Department, two for London in 1996 |
| Frank Dobson Labour | May 1997- October 1999 | New NHS; Modern, Dependable; Turnberg London report NICE | Health authorities go, Strategic Health Authorities and Primary Care Groups/Trusts formed. One office for London within the Department from 1999, (London Directorate of Health and Social Care) |
| Alan Milburn | October 1999 - June 2003 | NHS Plan. | Devolution Day, Hospitals progressively leave district management and become Trusts & foundation trusts |
| John Reid | June 2003 – May 2005 | Payment by results | |
| Patricia Hewitt | May 2005 - June 2007 | SHAs reduced to 10; PTCs reduced to 150 | |
| Alan Johnson | June 2007 - June 2009 | A Framework for Action (Darzi) | |
| Andy Burnham | June 2009 |
The General Management Function (5)
The review of the NHS in 1983 by Sir Roy Griffiths was the direct outcome of the chaos of the industrial action of 1982. Thirteen unions (including the BMA and the RCN) were involved. While the main issue was pay, the unions also felt that the current system was no way to run a health service. Kenneth Clarke, as Minister to Norman Fowler's Secretary of State, was concerned that the steady growth of non medical manpower was adding an extra burden to the NHS. As well as the main negotiations with the 13 unions, there were less formal contacts with the TUC and Confederation of Health Service Employees (COHSE), and with the RCN. Ministers wished to get the nurses on side and having been told that there was a possibility of a pay review body specifically for them, the College's opposition became more muted. The other unions began to sense defeat and welcomed the ides of a management review as a component of the final offer.
The Permanent Secretary, Sir Kenneth Stowe, was asked to establish it and used contacts in the Bank of England to find a good private sector manager who could consider the application of effective management principles to the NHS. Sir Roy Sainsbury identified Roy Griffiths as a fine manager in a customer based service. Sir Kenneth had a difficult 45 minute interview with Griffiths who was poker faced until he smiled and accepted. While Kenneth Clarke had wanted the review to be more about manpower than management, Griffiths insisted that manpower was the secondary issue. A team of four was selected, including a personnel director from BT, a finance director from United Biscuits and a regional administrator; the terms of reference were left somewhat vague, to advise on the effective use and management of manpower and related resources in the NHS.
Probably the NHS did not, at the time, devote enough of its resources to proper and disciplined management, but it would have been surprising if Griffiths had not immediately identified the absence of general management as the main difference between the NHS and the business world. In a memorable sentence he said, ‘if Florence Nightingale was carrying her lamp through the corridors of the NHS today, she would almost certainly be searching for the people in charge’.
Griffiths' recommendations included a small, strong general management board in Whitehall, that all day-to-day decisions should be taken in the main hospitals and other units and clinicians should be involved more closely in management decisions, should have a fully developed management budget and the necessary administrative support. A general manager should be identified (regardless of discipline) at each level and authorities should have greater freedom to organise the management structure suited to their needs. Griffiths believed that the lack of a clearly defined general management function was responsible for many problems and that the development of management budgets was vital. Consensus had to go. The government rapidly accepted the general thrust of the report.
Working for Patients (1989) (6)
The next major organizational change took place under Mrs. Thatcher and Kenneth Clarke who oversaw plans for the "reform" of the NHS. Many of its concepts were later adopted by Labour in its own reforms. The basic structure in England had not altered greatly either during the reorganisation of 1974 or the restructuring in 1982. Society, however, had changed and was more consumer-oriented. People could hardly fail to notice the absence of ‘customer-led’ services in the NHS. The Conservative government explicitly repudiated consensus and partnership with the professions in policy making. Professions were increasingly regarded as just another lobby. The broadly bipartisan approach to the NHS had ended. Among the political beliefs were the paramount importance of a sound economy without which public services could not be funded; the view that there was little the public sector could do that the private sector could not do better; and that managerial inefficiency was rife throughout the public sector, whether in the utilities, the schools or the health service. The changing approach in the NHS was only part of a wider ideological battle about society, industry and public services. All the main ideas often attributed to Enthoven’s Reflections on the management of the NHS (7) were current in radical-right circles
Working for patients was a challenge to the status quo, the rigidity of organisation and the assumption that the employment of highly trained health professionals would ensure that users got what they wanted. Yet the Review accepted many basic principles of the NHS, to the surprise of the left that had predicted a move towards health insurance to provide additional money. The NHS would continue to be funded centrally from taxation, the simplest and cheapest way of raising money. It would remain largely free at the point of usage. There was no suggestion of major organisational change at the top of the management hierarchy. The idea was rejected that a major injection of funds was all that was needed. Instead, reforming incentives and the introduction of a ‘market’ would improve productivity. The purchasing function would be separated from the provision of services. Health authorities would concentrate on the assessment of needs and contract for services; hospitals and community units would provide the services. Good performance would be rewarded for money would follow the patients. The high costs of central London, compared with the lower ones of hospitals on the periphery, was a problem for central hospitals
In addition
Regional and district authorities received funds according to the size of their resident populations, weighted for age and morbidity and for the differences in the cost of providing services. RAWP had almost established equity so it was easier to move from historic allocations to a weighted capitation system
There was an attempt to devolve decisions (through fund holding and trusts) to those closest to the people, introducing greater local diversity, competition and choice
Hospitals and community services could apply for self-governing status as NHS trusts. Between 1991 and 1995 NHS hospitals were progressively transformed into publicly owned substantially self-governing bodies. Managerially élite hospitals had substantial freedom. Seen by government as a potential flag-ship of the reforms, Guy’s believed that trust status would ensure that a major building scheme would go ahead, guaranteeing its survival. While the idea had been developed with acute hospitals in mind, before long applications were received from mental illness and community services. They too saw advantages in the freedom of action that trusts enjoyed.
Fund holding: GP practices could apply for their own NHS budgets to cover their staff costs, prescribing, outpatient care, and a defined range of hospital services, largely elective surgery. Systems of medical audit were introduced to ensure quality of service
Authorities were reformed on business lines, with executive and non-executive directors
The legislation passed in 1990. There were substantial and unexpected effects on London's hospitals and anxiety that purchasers would make radical changes, avoiding high cost hospitals in the centre. An election was fought in April 1992, health being a central issue. The Conservatives won against the odds, and the new Secretary of State Virginia Bottomley redefined the NHS as the provision of care on the basis of clinical need regardless of the ability to pay, not by who provided the service, a concept not adopted by her Labour successor Frank Dobson but by his - Alan Milburn - ten years later. Ministers continued the implementation of the reforms, until 1997, when the Conservatives lost power. Industry had been removing middle management, ‘downsizing’ and producing ‘flatter’ organisations. Few foresaw that regions might be abolished. Their last major task was to oversee the implementation of the NHS reforms, managing the fund holding scheme and supporting districts in their purchasing functions. A review in 1993 of the relationship of the 14 RHAs with the centre recommended that regions should be slimmed, and then amalgamated into eight in April 1994. London would have two, one for north and one for south of the Thames. Finally they were abolished in favour of eight regional offices of the Department of Health. After 48 years the regions that had been central to the development and evolution of the NHS were disbanded, the Health Authorities Act (1995) providing the statutory authority and opening the door to further and continuous organisation change and ultimately in the return of regional organisation in the shape of Strategic Health authorities, albeit with slightly different functions.
Regional outposts had less power for money no longer flowed through them. Health authorities were formed by merging the residual DHAs and FHSAs. They commissioned services within their allocated funding and made arrangements with GPs and other contractors. As trusts were established, districts ceased to have responsibility for hospital management. Combining a residual management function with purchasing was difficult.
In place of the traditional management bodies with a membership of 20 or more, an industrial model of governance was substituted. This was technocratic and, while it might promote efficiency and responsiveness, it also increased insecurity, the authority of the centre and short-term decision-making. Each trust had a smaller board of directors including non-executives who brought skills from the business community. Key interest groups traditionally on the board were excluded, e.g. local authorities, trades unions and the clinicians, medical and nursing. Local authority members who in theory spoke for the electorate on management bodies might have been a nuisance but they added an authority to the decisions that were taken. New chief executives from outside the NHS did not always respect the ethos of public service. They often improved the use of resources, and they challenged established practices, not always correctly.
The Trusts created by the reforms had greater financial freedoms. They generated their revenue from contracts with districts, commissioning agencies and GP fund holders. They needed good financial information but much of the information required to compare relative costs did not exist; the necessary systems were not in place. Many hospitals had no price list. Block contracts, notional costs and wild price variations were commonplace. It took much work and a long time to sort things out. Over the first few years there was little change in the pattern of patient flows, perhaps 5-10%. Where changes were made, it was usually to create a local service for patients. In the case of city hospitals, particularly those in London, peripheral purchasers would do their utmost to restrict central flow in favour of their local hospitals, many of which were new, with young staff and spare capacity. Teaching hospital trusts were at a disadvantage because of their high overheads and managerial complexity. Their countervailing advantage was that a high proportion of their medical and surgical consultants had sub-specialty expertise. This made them the natural place for junior medical training. Acute trusts sometimes developed outreach services; community trusts looked at hospital-type day care. The borders could blur.
Doctors were now employed by the trust, and not the RHA, so they began to think in a more local way. Clinical directorates, seen early on at Guy's, were rapidly established under medical control on the ‘Johns Hopkins’ model. Decisions could be taken more rapidly, new patterns of staffing could be introduced and services could be improved without bureaucratic delays. Because their unit budgets were determined by contracts with purchasers, it was easier to persuade consultants to change their patterns of work. Nurses, when they were appointed as directors, were in a dilemma.
The need for hospital trusts to generate income led to visible changes. Lilac coloured carpeting and easy chairs, smiling receptionists, a florist’s stall bursting with blooms, a bistro coffee bar and newsagents would appear. Trusts spent money on glossy pamphlets on their services, and on logos. Acute hospital trusts established private patient units to compete with private hospitals. The boundary between the NHS and private medicine was becoming blurred and the phrase ‘internal market’ seemed increasingly inappropriate.
Labour took power in 1997 without clear and immediate plans for the NHS. In December 1997, Frank Dobson, the new Secretary of State, issued the The new NHS - Modern, Dependable, setting out Labour's initial vision. There were three main themes, revision of the NHS organisational structure, better communication within the service and an accent upon quality with new national supervisory bodies. All built upon trends already current. The harder edges of the internal market were softened. Fund holding went, co-operation replacing more extreme forms of competition. ‘Partnership’ and ‘integration’ would replace the internal market and the jargon of the market was slowly replaced by that of New Labour. The Conservatives' ‘seamless services’ became ‘joined-up thinking’. The interdependence of health and social care, and joint programmes, were stressed.
The new NHS - Modern, Dependable involved substantial change in London’s organisational structures. London had been divided into four health boards at the start of the NHS (plus Boards of Governors for teaching hospitals), into 4 regions in 1974, and in 1996 as a result of a review of regional functions into two, north and south of the river. In June 1998, in line with the recommendations of the London Strategic Review chaired by Sir Leslie Turnberg, Frank Dobson, announced that London would have a single NHS region and a single London Regional Office of the NHS Executive was established on 1st January 1999. The arguments against such a pattern, vetoed by Bevan in 1946, and rejected once more in the early seventies, were now weaker. A London region had been proposed in the Tomlinson Report (1992). Change had therefore been expected and would have ripple effects on the surrounding areas.
Trusts and health authorities continued to merge, and Labour brought fund holding to an end. Its alternative was commissioning by Primary Care Groups (PCGs), later Primary Care Trusts. The number of health authorities fell and they were abolished, as their responsibility for commissioning services disappeared.
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Hospital trusts were far less affected by Labour's decisions than other management bodies. They became accountable to regional offices for their statutory duties, and to health authorities and later primary care trusts for the services they delivered. The separation of planning from provision and decentralization of hospital management was maintained. The number of Trusts progressively fell through merger.
The replacement of Frank Dobson in 1999 as Secretary of State for Health by Alan Milburn heralded more change, Milburn wished it to be fast and over a broad front. Labour's second policy document was issued in July 2000 - the NHS Plan (10). Labour had consulted the professions which had been deeply and often enthusiastically involved. The Plan was a lengthy document with details and targets aplenty within the four main themes of increasing capacity, setting standards and targets, supervision of the way the NHS delivered services, and 'partnership'. Against the predictions of many, substantial progress was achieved for example in terms of waiting times and waiting lists. The replacement of Frank Dobson by Alan Milburn and successors imposed further challenges on the NHS generally as well as in London. Milburn’s policies involved a greater role for the private sector, for example in the private finance initiative and independent treatment centres, a wider choice for patients, IT systems to underpin choice, for example Choose and Book, radical changes in funding with the introduction of tariffs and Payment by Results, and Foundation Hospital Trusts with greater freedoms.
The NHS Plan's structural reorganisation took place on 1 April 2002, "devolution day". Health authorities were replaced by a smaller number of Strategic Health Authorities. Nationally there were 28 with five for London.
| London Strategic Health Authorities | Acute NHS Trusts |
| North East London Health Authority Matching Queen Mary University of London Eight Primary Care Trusts | Barts and The London NHS Trust |
| North Central London Health Authority Matching University College London Five Primary Care Trusts | Barnet & Chase Farm NHS Hospitals Trust Great Ormond St Hospital for Children NHS Trust Moorfields Eye Hospital NHS Trust North Middlesex University NHS Hospitals Trust Royal Free Hampstead NHS Trust Whittington Hospital NHS Trust Great Ormond Street Hospital for Children NHS Trust and three mental health NHS trusts |
North West London Matching Imperial College Eight Primary Care Trusts | Chelsea & Westminster Healthcare NHS Trust West Middlesex University Hospital NHS Trust Royal National Orthopaedic Hospital NHS Trust Royal Brompton and Harefield NHS Trust St. Mary’s NHS Trust and two mental health care trusts |
| South West London Health Authority Matching St Georges Hospital Medical School Five Primary Care Trusts | Epsom & St Helier NHS Hospital Trust |
| South East London Health Authority Matching Kings College London Six Primary Care Trusts | South London and Maudsley NHS Trust |
The five London SHAs were not concerned with day to day management and needed to coordinate some services on a London wide basis. They shared out the lead London roles including National Service Frameworks e.g. cancer, the elderly, primary care and children’s services, the five SHA Chief Executives meeting regularly with the Director of Health and Social Care at Departmental level.
For most of their history London's hospitals had largely ignored general practice. Poor practice was to be found elsewhere, but London seemed unique in its failure to resolve the problems. London’s size encouraged isolation among the general practitioners, lack of awareness of good practice elsewhere and a feeling of impotence. The mobile young, a multitude of ethnic and immigrant groups, an intelligentsia, users of drugs and alcohol - they all congregated in London. With a few exceptions, academic general practice developed late in London. London had fewer innovative GPs, and incentives to better care that were offered nationally were not readily taken up. Modern premises were less often to be found, and without good accommodation team working was harder to develop. The combination of high land values, unsavoury locations and planning problems made it almost impossible to find a good site in the right place. Recruiting young doctors of high quality was a perennial problem. The inner city doctors faced high population morbidity and nearby teaching hospitals were slow to provide access to laboratory and X-ray facilities, and few provided vocational training and postgraduate centres. Inner city GPs were, on average, older, often single-handed and many had trained overseas. Young doctors seldom wished to enter such practices. ‘Better’ doctors went to greener pastures where, because they were further from specialised services, practices provided a wider range of care and it was easier to develop a good practice.
For 30 years it had been recognised that if the domination of London’s health services by acute hospital-based medicine was to be reduced, primary health care had to play its part. In a report (Primary Health Care in Inner London, 1981 (11)) commissioned by the London Health Planning Consortium, Donald Acheson had provided an analysis of the problems. After the Acheson Report it was no longer possible to discuss health services in London without taking note of the condition of primary care and making at least a symbolic gesture towards the solutions of its problems
There were high hopes for a London Initiative Zone, established in 1993. Projects aimed to improve GPs' premises, recruit a new cadre of GPs, introduce innovative approaches to old problems and develop cost-effective care outside hospital. A review of achievements five years later showed that many projects had improved premises but in some areas the standards of many surgeries remained unacceptably low. London still had fewer young GPs, more single-handed practices and larger lists. There were more practice nurses, but although primary care in the capital was improving, it was doing so no more rapidly than elsewhere in the country. Services still lagged behind. The initiative was terminated. The Turnberg Report (1997), to which Professor Brian Jarman contributed, reiterated the extent of the problem and again recommended support for GPs and the need to improve recruitment and retention. The importance of primary health care was stressed again by Darzi [19] (2007), his solution being the development of 150 large polyclinics from which all GPs - and the associated staff - would work.
It could be argued that the pattern of general practice that worked excellently elsewhere in the country was unsuitable for inner cities, and an alternative contract for GPs emerged. Personal Medical Services, which made salaried service practicable, seemed particularly appropriate to the inner cities. After 2000 new national initiatives aimed at the improvement of access to the NHS, for example walk-in centres and NHS Direct, were introduced, and were another way of handling problems of access.
Psychiatric Services
The pattern of mental health services changed progressively. Until the 1974 NHS reorganisation mental illness hospitals generally had their own management committee. Then they came under multi-service district health authorities but when Trusts were established, separate mental health trusts were usually created with a strong accent on community based services. As the large mental illness hospitals were closed, the policy was to establish units based on district general hospitals. This policy too was challenged as pressure for a community based service continued. Progressively the psychiatric service came to be based on community outreach teams, led by psychiatric trained nurses and supported by consultants. Small units, 10-30 in size, were developed to provide the accommodation necessary and the teams came to specialise in specific types of problem. Often the stress was on acute care and those teams trying to maintain patients stable in the community were sometimes under-resourced.
Hospital Services
The need to rationalise the capital’s hospitals had been driven in earlier years by
A perception that there were too many beds
A multitude of specialist units, for example in cardiothoracic surgery, that were too small for efficiency
A dearth of services in the long term sector, for example the care of the mentally ill and the elderly
Until the mid 1990s it was still possible to maintain that London's hospitals provided too many acute beds and it was right to reduce the number. The number of beds continued to fall as the health service came under ever increasing financial pressure as a result of RAWP and developments in medical science speeded earlier discharge. Ultimately the view that there were too many beds became untenable. In 1997 Turnberg concluded that there was now no evidence that London was now over bedded and the subsequent NHS Plan (2000) (10) accepted that a substantial increase in capacity was needed.
A new imperative was now emerging - rationalising/reconfiguring the hospital system. The need to provide specialised expertise 24/7, medical staffing issues and the restriction of the total hours worked under EC legislation had transformed the criteria for defining the size a hospital should be to carry out clinical services safely. The progressive separation of sub-specialties from the mainstream of general medicine and surgery added to problems. The need for rotas of consultants in all the subspecialties could be accommodated in a large hospital but not so easily in smaller District General Hospitals (DGHs). In the 1960s there had been a clear concept of the nature of a DGH. Now far more specialties were involved in care, and there had to be several of each type to provide a 24 hour service. It might only be possible to staff fewer major hospitals, strategically placed, that could offer a full range of secondary and tertiary services. These might be supported by more local facilities. National Service Frameworks developed for clinical specialties outlined clinical networks of hospitals varying in the sophistication of their services. Reports of the BMA, Royal College of Physicians (RCP) and Royal College of Surgeons of England echoed the earlier thinking of the Bonham-Carter Report (1969), suggesting that a single general hospital now should serve populations of not less 500,000.(14)
(The provision of Acute Hospital Services, London, RCS 1998) Such hospitals should provide a tertiary service for a population of around a half a million.Under pressure to improve the volume and quality of services without higher costs, some trusts, for example the Central Middlesex introduced process re-engineering. If the stages in the delivery of care were examined, was there a better way of designing the system? Given better drugs and anaesthetics allowing more speedy recovery, state-of-the-art diagnostics and imaging, minimum intervention techniques and better information systems, could any stages be omitted, or be arranged more economically to save the time and money of both patients and staff? The development of treatment centres, many in the private sector, became a priority in government thinking. In London few were developed, other than that at the Central Middlesex which itself operated under capacity. The Darzi report (2007) [19} and its successors accelerated the process.
A related problem was the provision of effective emergency care when most consultants were super-specialists. The RCP examined different models of care. Half of the hospitals surveyed had adopted an emergency admission ward, perhaps of 20 beds, with a system of assigning patients to specialist units. Alternatively, all consultants might combine interest in a particular field with more general clinical work, although this would dilute specialist skills. Or there might be a hybrid approach in which there was a combination of specialists and generalists. The RCP suggested that Acute Medicine was itself a separate specialty, required by each hospital taking acute admissions.
The example of major biomedical research centres in the USA, which had been able to spearhead clinical development, led in the UK to the establishment of the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) and an assessment of biomedical research centres that should be supported in the UK on a national basis. A panel of international experts chose centres in open competition as world class in research. In December 2006 the Secretary of State announced the selection of five comprehensive Biomedical Research Centres that would be supported, three in
Boundaries have always been significant in London hospital planning. If hospitals were not to be totally autonomous but part of a more considered system, they had to be looked at in groups. Before the NHS, the King’s Fund had looked at the voluntary hospitals and the London County Council had planned its municipal hospitals the London County Council, on a London-wide basis. When the NHS began there were discussions about whether London's hospitals should be considered on a concentric or a radial pattern. The doughnut (with all the jam in the middle) placed high expertise in teaching and specialisation in the centre, leaving the periphery alone. The starfish (which had radial communications and relationships) tried to spread central expertise outwards. In the late 1970s the London Health Planning Consortium had planned on a London wide basis, although the implementation had been left to the four Thames Regional Health Authorities and most took little action. Rationalisation increased in tempo after the 1982 restructuring of the NHS, spurred by financial pressures. Because the four Thames regional health authorities planned in different ways, after the demise of the London Health Planning Consortium the chairmen of the twelve teaching districts jointly examined what was happening. They found it impossible to say with any confidence what London medicine might look like in a few years. The spatial framework of planning often changed. Sometimes
the boundaries of the 4 Metropolitan or Thames regions were used (1948 - 1994)
Department regional offices (1996-2002) first five and then two attempted to plan
sometimes the five sector scheme proposed by the Turnberg report (1997) was used and this was reflected in
Five London SHAs (2002) - North West London, North Central London, North East London, South East London, and South West London authorities
A London wide Strategic Health Authority (NHS London July 2006)
The Conservative internal market of 1990 had a major effect on central London and the existing pattern of services was not sustainable. The market could have been allowed to refashion London’s hospital service but this would have been unpredictable in its effects. There were two major planning exercises in the early 1992, one by the King’s Fund and one later that year initiated by government. The impetus for further rationalization stemmed from the second enquiry into London hospital medicine carried out under the Conservatives,
Tomlinson. That of the King's Fund, led by Virginia Beardshaw, had the lesser impact.The King’s Fund appointed a Commission in 1991 to develop a broad vision of services that would make sense in the early years of the next century. It spent £500,000 commissioning 12 research reports on which the conclusions were based. The report (1992) analysed the interlocking set of problems posed by health services, medical education and research in London. It said that Londoners received a poor deal from present-day services. It warned that health care in the inner-city might become inappropriate unless there was the political will to back a strategy of fundamental reform. The report accepted the case for substantial change and reduction in acute services with a complementary build-up of primary health care. It did not consider the paucity of back-up beds in nursing and residential homes, which barely existed in the metropolis. It reported that at least 5,000 beds must be closed if the capital were to be guaranteed a good standard of health into the next century. ‘Costs in London are not just expensive, they are extremely expensive . . . change is inevitable . . . Inner London hospitals are top-heavy with doctors and the rate of patients going through is slower.' A series of papers on individual services was published subsequently. However, the Commission spent less time on data analysis and examination of educational issues than had the London Health Planning Consortium (LHPC). Substantial attacks were mounted on its findings because of a belief that it was working towards a pre-determined conclusion and that some of its members had little sympathy for London or for specialists.
The Conservatives, though committed to market solutions, also embarked in London on strategic planning. At the 1991 Conservative Party conference William Waldegrave, then Secretary of State, announced a review to be undertaken by
Sir Bernard Tomlinson, Chairman of the Northern RHA. The Times said that Mr Waldegrave was ‘wringing his hands’ over what should be done in London and needed to be convinced that major decisions were intellectually based. There were many bids for development. UCH/Middlesex, strongly supported by the scientific community because of the quality of its work, wanted a new building and this might mean the closure of other hospitals. Already expansion had been approved at Guy’s, the Chelsea and Westminster was established and St Mary’s was being developed. By commissioning the inquiry, William Waldegrave had delayed the need to take action before a forthcoming election.Tomlinson reported in October 1992. He emphasized the need to improve primary and community care, bringing primary care up to national standards and providing services for people with special needs such as the homeless. This was widely accepted, for there was a general belief (without much supporting evidence) that improved primary health care was fundamental for the degree of rationalisation envisaged for London’s acute services. An idea that had emerged at a Nuffield-sponsored meeting of professional leaders and health service managers was a ‘free-fire’ zone where normal health service rules could be modified to facilitate the development of primary health care. Tomlinson adopted this and the government provided £170 million over six years in a ‘London Initiatives Zone’ covering about 4 million people, where heath care needs were great and an innovative approach was required. Money would be concentrated on this territory and educational and management effort would be strengthened. Most people under-estimated the complexities of building new and better facilities for GPs and primary health care teams. Neither was it easy to turn a theoretically attractive plan for the teaching hospitals and medical schools into schemes on the ground. The money helped new projects and encouraged the study of long-standing problems of inner London practice. The pace of change was, however, slow and the effect on acute hospital services minimal. The changes to the hospitals and to primary health care were unpopular and not politically easy to fight. A primary care support force worked to improve matters and was disbanded in 1997; few of the issues the group was to address had been resolved.
The Tomlinson Report foresaw a surplus of 2,500 beds because of the withdrawal of inpatient flows from outside central London and the increasing efficiency with which beds were used. Whole hospital sites should be taken out of use, and the resources redeployed to develop primary care and community services. Tomlinson revived earlier proposals for rationalisation. They involved change at UCH/Middlesex that had become a single, powerful and scientifically important organisation. There would be a single management unit for St Bartholomew’s and The Royal London; the loss of one hospital from among the south London hospitals of Guys’, King’s, St Thomas’ and Lewisham; rationalisation at Charing Cross/Chelsea and Westminster with relocation of specialist postgraduate hospitals to the Charing Cross site; and changes to specialist postgraduate teaching hospitals to bring them into closer relationship with general hospitals. Tomlinson supported the removal of St Mark's to Northwick Park. In February 1993 the DoH’s response Making London Better, accepted the general thrust of the recommendations, and the need to develop primary health care. Specifically government announced a merger between the Trusts of St. Thomas' and Guy's Hospitals, and a review of six specialty services.
A London Implementation Group (LIG) was formed, chaired by Tim Chessells, Chairman of the then South East Thames RHA, with direct access to Ministers. Six specialty reviews were established to examine clinical requirements; the clinicians in the specialty under consideration came from outside London and could be brutal when faced with the pretensions they sometimes encountered. The reviews proposed that the best centres should be developed, the smaller ones should be closed or merged, and new ones established where they were needed as at St George’s where there was a long-standing requirement for renal replacement therapy. The specialty reviews were published in 1993. Many of the recommendations were implemented, but not all. Some were revised as a result of more general considerations, e.g. in the south east neurosurgery was not maintained at Guy's but at the Maudsley. Several initiatives now came together, making change possible. There was a research review of the London postgraduate hospitals, which pointed to the need for a wide range of skills including biophysics and molecular biology, and association with general hospitals and university facilities. Medical school deans had to play a difficult hand; most were privately supportive of the need for change and prepared to work for it, but in public they had to take their colleagues with them as far as possible. Trust chairmen had been appointed knowing there was a job to be done. They and their chief executives were heavyweights who did not fool around, although transitional funds were available to sugar the pills of change and mergers. Ministers were far more involved than they had been in the work of the LHPC; Virginia Bottomley was continuously involved in the decisions being taken. The Higher Education Funding Council (HEFCE), as a member of LIG, was involved in medical school mergers and amalgamations, as well as through its direct links with the institutions.
The London Implementation Group closed down in April 1995, and the then two Thames RHAs north and south of the river became responsible for co-ordinating change, though they too were facing demise. With the election of the Labour government in May 1997 Frank Dobson, who had made scurrilous remarks about Virginia Bottomley's acceptance of the east London proposals, promised a further review of the future of London’s hospitals. This increased uncertainty just as some clarity had been obtained, and re-invigorated those campaigning to "Save Barts". There were four broad responses to Tomlinson: the optimistic that primary and community care could be brought up to the standards elsewhere; the realistic accepting the recipe but gloomy about the money and the difficulties; the despairing who doubted whether anything would be accomplished; and the reaction at St Bartholomew’s that was to indulge in old-style emotional campaigning against the proposals. St Bartholomew’s had come to believe its own rhetoric and dismissed any proposal not to its liking, however well founded. Its campaign was given a voice by the Evening Standard in probably the most ferocious media war ever waged against health service managers and NHS policy, unparalleled in its unstinting aggression and partiality. ‘During the past twenty years,’ wrote Lord Flowers in The Times, ‘with a few honourable exceptions every attempt to reform London medicine has been defeated by vigorous rearguard action on behalf of any hospital or medical school adversely affected. The result has been that the standing of teaching and research in London’s famed medical schools has been steadily slipping. The time has come for the government to stand firm.’ Virginia Bottomley took decisions that her predecessors had been canny enough to defer and for which her successors would be forever in her debt; she was prepared to bell the cat, as the BMJ had put it. She narrowly escaped defeat in Parliament and a rebellion of some senior London Tory MPs. Her reward was the Department of National Heritage. Robert Maxwell, Secretary of the King’s Fund, said that the creation of big medical centres across London, the main tertiary centres of service, research and education for the future, had been talked about for 50 years. Now it looked set to happen and would be Mrs Bottomley’s best legacy.
Labour came to power and accepted the need to co-ordinate the planning of health services with changes in medical education. The new Secretary of State for Health, Frank Dobson commissioned a
strategic review of inner London. Led by Professor Sir Lesley Turnberg, it reported within months. Re-examination of hospital bed numbers showed that they had fallen substantially; between 1990/1 and 1995/6 1130 acute inpatient beds had disappeared from inner London, and when geriatric, maternity and psychiatric beds were included the loss across London as a whole had been 9271. Turnberg concluded that there was now no evidence that there were more acute beds available to Londoners than the England average, taking into account the use of London beds
by non-Londoners. Improvements in primary care had not been able to substitute for reductions in secondary care. Turnberg felt that a five sector scheme would assist planning and that health authorities should work together at sectoral (later SHA) level. These were not unlike the inner parts of the old Regional Health Authorities (for the shire counties had been separated) and reflected not only the five sector scheme of Tomlinson (and the five sector radial plan considered in 1946 before the number of the metropolitan regions was settled as four). Radial organisation had been referred to in the sixties as a "starfish" pattern, because the intelligence was in the centre and the communication pathways spread outwards. The more egalitarian term of Pizza slices was now used and within the slices PCTs, Trusts and the educational authorities had a commonality of interest that led them to work with each other, rather than with other pizza slices.
The London SHAs related to a smaller number of PCTs than was common elsewhere, and in London there was mandatory co-terminosity between PCTs and one or more of the local authority boroughs. They reflected the Turnberg review that services of a specialised nature should be commissioned within five sectors each relating to the new University of London medical school groupings. On the board of each of the London SHAs was a representative of the local higher educational institutions.
The five sector system and the local authority boundaries. Source: Turnberg strategic review 1997
The interplay between London’s hospital service and the medical schools was profound. Since the time of the Royal Commission on Medical Education (1968) academic merger had been proposed. The Todd pairs (below) differed substantially from the pattern later implemented indicated by the coloured blocks.
St Bartholomew's Medical College | The London Hospital Medical College | Queen Mary College |
University College Medical School | Royal Free Hospital School of Medicine | University College |
St Mary's Hospital Medical School | Middlesex Hospital Medical School |
|
Guy's Hospital Medical School | King's College Hospital Medical School | King's College |
Westminster Medical School | Charing Cross Hospital Medical School | Imperial College |
St Thomas's Hospital Medical School | St George's Hospital Medical School |
|
University proposals for London medical schools Early steps had been taken in the 1980s and the university now re-introduced proposals for medical school merger. Progress was more rapid on the academic side than the NHS for hospital closure attracted more public interest than the merger of academic institutions. A five sector arrangement was adopted. The Turnberg Report liked this approach and thought that health authorities might, in due course, merge on a sectoral basis. The academic successes indicated a way ahead for the NHS. The number of students to be admitted increased, medical schools sometimes exceeding their target intakes, and four year courses for mature entrants and graduates were slowly introduced. | |
Multi-faculty college | Constituent medical schools |
Imperial College | St Mary’s & Westminster/Charing Cross; Royal Postgraduate Medical School, Institute of Obstetrics, |
King’s College | King’s & United Medical and Dental Schools |
Queen Mary and Westfield College | The Royal London & St Bartholomew’s (Implemented in 1995 when the Barts and The London School of Medicine and Dentistry was formed within Queen Mary College) |
University College | University College/Middlesex & Royal Free |
| St George’s | maintained an independent position within the University of London but later established links with Kingston University |
[The names of the multi-faculty colleges have subsequently undergone minor alterations] | |
The University moved towards a rationalization of medical schools in association with multi-faculty colleges. There would be four university centres, each related to a multi-faculty college, St George’s maintaining an independent position. The postgraduate institutes were finally brought within the fold, as proposed by Sir George Pickering in 1962.(18) Within this structure, once the colleges became directly funded by the Higher Education Funding Council for England (the successor from 1993 to the University Funding Council) the University of London had to accept the realities of the local aims and ambitions. The colleges had gained financial and managerial autonomy, UCL, Queen Mary, Kings and Imperial being separately identified from 1993/4 and St George's two years later. The University maintained a coordinating group of the medical faculties to discuss strategy for mutual benefit but each college took a different approach to the integration of medical schools within their fiefdom.
Imperial College, whose Faculty of Medicine was established in 1997, was secure in its prestige and size, and took a firm line with the medical schools now an intrinsic part of its empire, and indeed with the hospitals to which it related. In 2003 it was given the power to award its own degrees, outwith the University of London, but did not immediately use them. On the NHS side in 2007 St Mary's Hospital Trust, The Hammersmith Hospitals Trust, and Imperial College united to become the Imperial College Health Care Trust and was selected as one of five National Biomedical Research Centres. Imperial thought that globally there was only room for 5-6 major biomedical research and teaching centres, perhaps two in the USA, one in the far east and two in Europe. Imperial considered itself the natural premier league centre in the UK. The ethos of the component medical schools would be that of Imperial College, scientific based and of the highest standard; they would no longer have an independent identity. Following school mergers there was a thorough reorganization to develop an integrated medical school. There would be one organisation using the same letterheads. The Faculty was spread over seven campuses, six the sites of major teaching hospitals. These were
·
the Hammersmith & Charing Cross (Hammersmith Hospitals Trust), In 1988 the Royal Postgraduate Medical School merged with the Institute of Obstetrics & Gynaecology and became part of the Imperial College School of Medicine on its formation in 1997·
St Mary's (St Mary's Hospitals Trust),·
The Royal Brompton. The Brompton and Harefield NHS Trust was established on 1 April 1998 following the merger of Royal Brompton Hospital and Harefield Hospital. The National Heart and Lung Institute (itself formed by merger in 1988, and situated next to the Royal Brompton Hospital,) became part of Imperial College in 1995, and part of Imperial College School of Medicine in 1997·
Chelsea and Westminster (Chelsea and Westminster NHS Trust) and·
Northwick Park (North West London Hospitals Trust).University College London
was less forceful. University College London Hospitals while having only small local catchments, had substantial financial assets and an ideal academic location next to UCL, and perhaps the strongest research base in London. It too was selected as a National Biomedical Research Centre. In July 2008 UCL with Great Ormond Street, Moorfields Eye Hospital, The Royal Free and University College London Hospitals came together as UCL Partners, to create "London's leading health research powerhouse" focussing on ten areas of research each of which posed a major health challenge, e.g. children's health, cancer and women's health. The Royal Free continued to act with a measure of independence but in August 1998 a new Royal Free and University College Medical School was formed even though the Royal Free remained under separate NHS management. Imperial and UCL discussed a merger, but decided it was in the interests of neither side. However, the discussions divided the London medical schools into two camps, Imperial College and UCL neither of which were supportive of the concept of London University, and the other three. In 2005 UCL was awarded independent degree awarding powers by the Privy Council. Students already in courses would have the option of a degree from UCL or the University of London, those medical registering after 2007 would have a UCL degree. Such moves, covering all subjects and not solely medicine, tended to undermine London University.King's College gave Guy's and St. Thomas's room for manoeuvre. King's College was associated with powerful hospitals, Guy's and St Thomas'. Internally there were power struggles to determine the future pattern of service. The Guy's, King's and St Thomas' School of Medicine was created on 1 August 1998 by the merger of King's College London (including the former King's College School of Medicine and Dentistry) and the United Medical and Dental Schools. From 2007 students registered with King's were awarded a King's degree, rather than one from the University of London.
Queen Mary, University of London
wished for a medical faculty, but was in a financially weak situation, as indeed were the two medical schools involved, St Bartholomew's and The Royal London. There were substantial objections to amalgamation from both the medical schools, and the merger in 1995 as Bart's and The London School of Medicine and Dentistry, the medical faculty of Queen Mary University of London, was not a happy one. Barts and the Royal London had everything one could desire in terms of a local population, but the association with QMC, comparatively weak as a research institution, did them no favours.St George's, far from the centre of London and with no substantial university link, was not in the same game.
Within a national plan for a massive increase in the number of medical school places (and medical schools), London played a minor role.
University | Target 1997 | Actual intake 1997 | Target 1998 | Actual intake 1998 | Target 1999 | Actual intake 1999 | Target 2000 | Target 2001 | Target 2002 | Target 2003 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Imperial | 286 | 304 | 286 | 289 | 311 | 315 | 326 | 326 | 326 | 326 |
King’s College | 343 | 359 | 343 | 367 | 360 | 363 | 360 | 370 | 380 | 390 |
QMW | 202 | 210 | 222 | 223 | 241 | 244 | 241 | 253 | 253 | 305 |
St George’s | 172 | 175 | 172 | 170 | 187 | 187 | 222 | 222 | 257 | 257 |
UCL | 330 | 347 | 330 | 344 | 330 | 329 | 330 | 330 | 330 | 330 |
London total | 1333 | 1395 | 1353 | 1393 | 1429 | 1438 | 1479 | 1501 | 1546 | 1608 |
source : University Funding Council |
In July 2002 it was established that acute hospital trusts that had performed well could apply to be "NHS foundation trusts". These would have greater freedom in terms of management, links to the local community and greater local financial control. Several London hospitals appeared in the first wave and more subsequently.
Acute Hospital Trusts and Foundation trusts in London, October 2006
| Barking, Havering and Redbridge Hospitals NHS Trust Barnet and Chase Farm Hospitals NHS Trust Barts and the London NHS Trust Bromley Hospitals NHS Trust Chelsea and Westminster Hospital NHS Foundation Trust Ealing Hospital NHS Trust Epsom and St Helier University Hospitals NHS Trust Great Ormond Street Hospital for Children NHS Trust Hammersmith Hospital NHS Trust Hillingdon Hospital NHS Trust King's College Hospital NHS Trust Kingston Hospital NHS Trust Lewisham Hospital NHS Trust Mayday Healthcare NHS Trust Newham University Hospital NHS Trust North Middlesex University Hospital NHS Trust North West London Hospitals NHS Trust Queen Elizabeth Hospital NHS Trust | Queen Mary's Sidcup NHS Trust Royal Brompton and Harefield NHS Trust Royal Free Hampstead NHS Trust Royal National Orthopaedic Hospital NHS Trust St George's Healthcare NHS Trust St Mary's NHS Trust West Middlesex University Hospital NHS Trust Whipps Cross University Hospital NHS Trust
Foundation Trusts Foundation Trusts, not managed by SHAs in London, were announced in 2002, and include the following 6 who were early in the field. Guy's and St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust Homerton University Hospital NHS Foundation Trust Moorfields Eye Hospital NHS Foundation Trust Oxleas NHS Foundation Trust Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust University College London Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust |
In 2004 Ministers said that 'the unique nature and scale of health service issues facing the capital might point to a single organisation to oversee service development. A review of the primary care trusts and SHAs left the PCTs that were largely coterminous with boroughs alone, but led to a single SHA in London in July 2006, a centre for strategic thinking covering 32 London Boroughs with a population of approximately 7.2 million. It faced problems, for example the emergence of Foundation Trusts that had a capacity for independent action and a reduction in the number of trusts under its aegis as the number of Foundation Trusts grew. However it soon comissioned Sir Ara Darzi (as he then was) to report on a strategy for London. In 2009 a new London Clinical and Business Support Agency was formed to support PCT commissioning, providing clinical evidence, public health intelligence, 'provider intelligence' and contracting support. London PCTs would finance and oversee it. The new body would take over several bodies under the SHA including Healthcare for London, overseeing reforms including the introduction of polyclinics, the London Health Observatory and the London Development Centre. London's medical director and quality observatory would work in the new Agency.
The Turnberg 5 sector scheme is a convenient way to consider capital developments. Some new hospitals planned in the 1970s had opened in the 1980s, e.g. the Newham Hospital (opened in 1983) and the Homerton in Hackney in 1986 on the site of the previous Eastern Hospital, incorporating Queen Elizabeth Hospital for Children. Further development was supported by the Private Finance Initiative, and major changes took place in each of the five sectors which provided a good framework for analysis and planning.
Among the largest schemes were the Chelsea and Westminster, St. Mary's – a complex saga, University College Hospital/The Middlesex, and The Royal London/St Bartholomew’s. The advantage of PFI was that money was forthcoming that would not otherwise have been available. The problems of PFI were the inflexibility once the building had been opened and the financial costs that stretched way into the future and sometimes closed off other possibilities.
One of the greatest planning conflicts of the last two decades of the century involved St Bartholomew's Hospital and The Royal London. As part of the NHS reforms (1990) the Government introduced the idea of self-governing hospital trusts within the NHS, and Bart’s was planning to set up such a Trust when its independent future was called into question by the publication in 1992 of Sir Bernard Tomlinson’s Report. This did not see Bart’s as a viable hospital and recommended its closure. The Government’s response in 1993 laid out three options for Bart’s: closure, retention as a small specialist hospital, or merger with the Royal London Hospital and the London Chest Hospital. This sparked an intense public debate and a campaign to save the hospital on its Smithfield site. In April 1994 the Royal Hospitals NHS Trust was formed, incorporating the three hospitals. The Turnberg strategic review (1997) (commissioned by Frank Dobson) supported the case for redevelopment of a 900 bed secondary and tertiary care hospital in Whitechapel, while maintaining some tertiary services on the Smithfield site, mainly cardiac and cancer services. Bart's would remain open in this role, whilst general hospital services would be concentrated at the Royal London in Whitechapel. A billion pound PFI development began, the financial cost of which overhung the hospital and delayed its application for foundation trust status.
New building was undertaken at Whipps Cross and Newham General (an Ambulatory Care and Diagnostics Unit and an adult mental illness unit). The new Queen’s Hospital in Romford brought together the services previously run at Oldchurch and Harold Wood hospitals; built under the PFI, it opened in 2006, complementing the rebuilt St George's Hospital Ilford where lower risk and midwife led maternity care was provided. The Queen's Hospital provided a full range of non-clinical services and a managed equipment service under a 36-year concession agreement with Bovis.
The Department of Health had stimulated discussion between the medical schools of UCH and the Middlesex Hospital, two organisations with a similar ethos, and encouraged by this Patrick Jenkin, as Secretary of State in the early eighties, united their two districts as Bloomsbury, encouraging the University of London to merge the matching medical schools of UCH and the Middlesex. With the Royal Free Hospital, the University College London Hospitals Trust (UCLH) provided the main university sites. Of the UCL hospitals, the Eastman Dental Hospital, built and largely funded by an American, George Eastman of the Eastman Kodak Company was granted special health authority status but in 1996 joined UCLH. The Elizabeth Garrett Anderson Hospital was built in 1888 and became part of the same Trust in 1994. The Heart Hospital was founded in 1857 and became part of the NHS in 1948 as the National Heart Hospital When its services were moved to the Brompton in 1994 the hospital was re-opened as a private hospital, featuring state of the art accommodation and equipment and specializing in cardiac treatment. Falling into debt, the hospital re-joined the NHS in August 2001, when it was bought by UCLH to became the home for the trust's cardiac services. The Hospital for Tropical Diseases has an ancestry dating back to the Dreadnought Hospital and in 1920 became the home for the London School of Tropical Medicine and the Hospital for Tropical Diseases. The hospital eventually moved to a building in the grounds of the St Pancras Hospital and in 1948 became part of the UCLH. The National Hospital, Queen Square, for Diseases of the Nervous System including Paralysis and Epilepsy, was founded in 1859. In 1948, with Maida Vale, the two hospitals were designated a postgraduate teaching group to be administered by a board of governors, directly responsible to the Minister of Health under the new NHS. The Institute of Neurology affiliated to UCLH to provide undergraduate and postgraduate teaching. The Royal London Homoeopathic Hospital, established 150 years ago, joined forces with UCLH in April 2002. Turnberg supported the proposal for capital development at UCLH and ground was broken in 1999 for a £422 million private finance initiative that opened in 2005 uniting most of the University College London Hospitals on a single site and providing a diagnostic and treatment centre. The old Middlesex Hospital site was sold off profitably for redevelopment as flats gaining the Trust £175 million. With its new development commissioned, and its financial situation sound, the Trust rebuilt its obstetric hospital (the EGA wing) and looked at the possibility of bringing other hospitals, including postgraduate teaching hospitals, onto its site.
Elsewhere substantial development was also taking place. The first phase of a new Barnet General Hospital opened in 1997. A major development was under way at the Whittington. At Chase Farm Hospital, a new surgical wing and Treatment Centre were under development, and the North Middlesex was also being redeveloped with a new Emergency Care Centre, Diagnostic and Treatment Centre, and an Acute and Critical Care Centre
Centrally the sector contained the Hammersmith, Queen Charlotte’s/Chelsea Hospital for Women, Charing Cross and, in close proximity St Mary’s, the Chelsea and Westminster and two specialist hospitals, the Royal Marsden and the Royal Brompton.
In northwest London in 1984 the medical schools of Charing Cross and Westminster hospitals united, and in the following year the districts in which they were situated were merged into one authority, Riverside District Health Authority, with plans to rebuild and reduce the number of hospitals to two. The new Chelsea and Westminster Hospital, which enabled the closure of five separate hospitals, opened in 1993. Brent and Paddington District Health Authorities had considered merger; ‘we’re huddling together for strength and warmth,’ said the district manager. In 1988 Parkside Health Authority was created, uniting St Mary’s and the Central Middlesex, leaving St Charles’ as a non-acute community hospital. Hospital planning involved the part-rebuilding of St Mary’s and rebuilding the Central Middlesex, the first phase being a pioneering ambulatory care centre.
The Turnberg report on London's health service in 1997 called for more rational distribution of specialist services in North West London. The outcome was the Paddington Health Campus project, a variant of the proposals in the Pickering Report of the 1960s to be funded by PFI. It would bring together Royal Brompton & Harefield NHS Trust, St Mary's NHS Trust, Imperial College's National Heart and Lung Institute and North West London’s specialist children's services to re one site in Paddington. The Business Case was approved by the Department of Health in 2001, but the cost steadily escalated until it was clear that it was not viable. It was cancelled in 2005. The Hammersmith/Queen Charlotte's new maternity facility opened in 2003.
Further out the Medical Research Council (MRC), under financial pressure, decided to pull out of its Northwick Park Clinical Research Centre and concentrate at the Hammersmith Hospital. This freed modern accommodation and research space. A small specialist hospital concerned with coloproctology, St Marks, needed to move from its poor accommodation in City Road. St Marks had the foresight to realise that it had more to gain than lose from a merger and grasped the alternative, Northwick Park, with enthusiasm. Relocation in 1995 provided the hospital with immediate access to intensive care, theatres and state-of-the art imaging and service departments. St Marks had its own front door, clinical directorate and all the advantages of association with a busy district general hospital. Organisationally there was amalgamation within the North West London Hospitals NHS Trust incorporating Northwick Park & St Mark's and the Hospitals in Harrow, the Central Middlesex covering Wembley, Willesden, Edgware, Harlesdon and Stanmore.
The Royal Brompton & Harefield NHS Trust was established on 1st April 1998 as the largest post-graduate specialist heart and lung centre in the United Kingdom. It was based on two sites, one in the heart of London and one in Middlesex. The Trust provided comprehensive patient services for all age groups from infancy to old age and is associated with its multi-faculty university partner Imperial College School of Medicine within which is the National Heart and Lung Institute.
Turnberg supported the approach to collaboration in the rationalization of services that was being undertaken by the hospital trusts and Imperial College. This was taken further in 2007 when, under the aegis of Imperial College, it was proposed the Hammersmith Hospital and St Mary's to create an Academic Health Sciences Centre, merging units such as renal medicine, and making it easier to bring cutting edge research earlier into clinical practice.
In south west London the position of St George’s was secure, and the plans to relocate the Atkinson Morley Hospital to the St George's site, and further developments there, were supported by Turnberg. The neurosciences and cardiac centre, the Atkinson Morley Wing, opened in October 2003.
In southeast London the medical and dental schools at Guy’s and St Thomas’ had merged as the United Medical and Dental Schools. There was protracted discussion and much in-fighting about the future of Guy’s and St Thomas’, whether one or the other site should close, where the accident and emergency department should be situated, and where specialised services should be concentrated. Ultimately the A & E Department went to St. Thomas’, because ambulance access was far better. Turnberg commented that the merger of the two Trusts had allowed the development of proposals for rationalizing services across the two sites and St Thomas' became the main centre for A and E. There had also been discussion about the distribution of specialised services between St Thomas', Guy's and King's College Hospital. A new wing at King's College Hospital opened in 2003 and a new Children's Unit is planned. Turnberg examined redevelopment of acute services in Bexley and Greenwich, and supported the redevelopment of Queen Elizabeth Hospital to replace services at Greenwich, built under PFI at a cost of
£93M. This involved the redevelopment of the former Military hospital including the design, construction and financing of new buildings, the refurbishment of existing ones and the maintenance and operation of the entire hospital. It provided 484 acute beds and 87 mental health beds and soon ran into massive financial problems as a result of the 60 year PFI contract. It was technically bankrupt, with no realistic prospect of repaying deficits but could not be closed without making things worse financially as well as clinically. Bromley, also a PFI build, had similar problems.In 2006 in the wake of the Government report Commissioning a Patient-led NHS (Department of Health, 2005) NHS London was formed as one of ten strategic health authorities in England. It brought together the North West London, North Central London, North East London, South East London, and South West London authorities. its aim was to provide the framework for commissioning of local health services.
Because of the need to centralise highly specialised forms of treatment, NHS London commissioned Professor Sir Ara Darzi, Professor of Surgery at Imperial College, to review the health services in London, ten years post Turnberg. His first report in March 2007, The case for change, outlined eight reasons for change, for example health inequalities, failure to meet patients' expectations, the need to centralise specialized care, the relationship with academic medicine, and value for money.
A Framework for Action was published in July 2007. It appeared days after he was appointed by Gordon Brown as a junior health minister with a seat in the Lords. The report was a substantial document, the product of many hands including McKinsey's. It recommended 5 principles, an individual focus on patients' needs, services local where possible and centralised where necessary, focus on health inequalities, prevention rather than cure and truly integrated care. Technical groups had looked at population trends, and the likely health problems in London over the coming years. Clinical working groups had considered appropriate policies for care and the care pathways that seemed best suited to differing groups of patients. On this basis a changed pattern of health service organisation was proposed
Darzi (2007) proposed, on the hospital side
local hospitals,
high throughput elective centres
major acute sites handling complex work
specialist hospitals existing and others that chose to specialise
Academic health science centres
Brilliant in conception, but according to the Guardian a recipe for turbulence, it was a blueprint for a radically different NHS with resemblances to the 1920 Dawson report (the ideas of a physician rather than a surgeon). London primary care would be provided by 150 polyclinics, handling much care previously undertaken in hospitals. Some large practices already provided some of the facilities envisaged, but the inclusion of imaging, consultant outpatient sessions and minor surgery would require much investment. The number of major acute hospitals would be cut by more than a half, some being restricted largely to cold surgery. There might be some 12 specialist hospitals and 8-16 major acute hospitals. Patients in emergencies would be admitted to the hospital best suited to their needs; near or far. Services for the mentally ill and long term conditions needed improvement and the report was fleshed out with reports of working parties, for example on maternity services. For these, a multiple tier system was envisaged, according to clinical and social need, of home delivery, midwife run maternity units some on a hospital campus, and full scale obstetrician round the clock hospital units. It was as if the health service would be rebuilt starting from scratch and the outline costing provided by McKinsey's attracted significant criticism.
Darzi accepted that the plan had a long timescale but was confident, perhaps over confident, that he could take others with him. As ever, implementation would be the problem. He wished his concepts to influence national thinking and offended some by instant diagnoses of problems with which others had wrestled for years. His support for Labour and his work with the NHS Modernisation Agency was followed in 2007 by his appointment as a junior minister in Gordon Brown's administration (2007); Darzi was one of the "goats" in Brown's government of all talents. The SHA went to public consultation with questions at a general level which inevitably lead to the answer desired. Some 5,000 individuals and organisations responded and a bare majority accepted most of the proposals, for example polyclinics. A joint committee of PCTs oversaw the consultation and in June 2008 accepted the broad thrust of the proposals.
The 31 Primary Care Trusts in London took on a major role in reconfiguration following Darzi. In 2009 they created six subgroups, three north and three south of the Thames, each led by an individual PCT chief executive, to develop the commissioning systems that would underpin changes in service. Some saw the six groupings as likely to lead to a merger of PCTs as while these were coterminous with local authorities, many including the Secretary of State thought that there were too many. There remained a substantial number of hospital trusts were not going to be able to meet the financial criteria necessary under Monitor's regime to obtain foundation status, and proposals for hospital and trust mergers were mooted. Under the aegis of Healthcare for London a number of initiatives were started
Merger within a South London Healthcare NHS Trust - in April 2009 this was the product of the merger of three smaller hospital trusts - Queen Mary's Sidcup NHS Trust (QMS), Queen Elizabeth Hospital NHS Trust (QEH) and Bromley Hospitals NHS Trust (BHT) - to create a single hospital on several sites.
Work in the North East London sector, Health4NEL, involving clinical working groups in the design of quality networks in the main specialty areas, the rationalisation of trauma and stroke services, and the number of A & E Departments.
A north west London consultation along the same lines as the North East.
a Barnet/Enfield/Haringey consultation
Developments within the three academic health science centres of UCLH, Imperial and Kings.
The NHS London's reconfiguration agency, Healthcare for London, consulted on the reconfiguration of major trauma and acute stroke units in February 2009. Either three or four trauma units were proposed for hospitals including the Royal London, King's College Hospital and St George's; and eight hyperacute stroke units (HASUs) Individual subgroups might work at a more detailed level, as did the North East London Sector, looking at the precise positioning of stroke units, maternity services and children's units.
London issued a consultative document making the case for 4 trauma units and 10 hyperacute stroke units in February 2009. Ambulance services would have to triage patients effectively. Having gone to consultation, in July 2009 the London PCTs agreed major service changes. McKinseys, who played a major role in the work of NHS London, were also commissioned by the Department of Health to examine NHS finances and their report, submitted in March and leaked in September 2009, suggested the need for swingeing economies both nationally and in the capital.
Four Major Trauma Centres | Eight Hyper Acute Stroke Units |
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